Thursday, November 21, 2019

Joanna K. Love's "Soda Goes Pop"

Joanna K. Love is Associate Professor of Music at the University of Richmond.

She applied the “Page 99 Test” to her new book, Soda Goes Pop: Pepsi-Cola Advertising and Popular Music, and reported the following:
Page 99 falls about midway through chapter three and summarizes my analysis of a set of three 1985 “The Choice of a New Generation” Pepsi commercials featuring Lionel Richie. This page connects my overarching theory of redaction—the practice marketers have used to select, censor, and restructure musical texts to fit commercial contexts in ways that revise their aesthetic meanings and serve corporate aims—with the main point of the chapter: that redactive practices were applied to the music and visuals in mid-1980s commercials featuring popular musicians in ways that supported emerging ideologies of neoliberalism in the U.S. The middle paragraph on this page (cited below) summarizes the analysis done in previous pages:
After three minutes of spectacle, sentimentality, and Pepsi pop slogans, it is obvious that the brand offers its drink as the only ‘choice’ for those who wish to be included in the new generation. The first number, ‘You’re Looking Pepsi Style’ foregrounds the product by featuring Richie’s specially composed jingle set in a generic adult contemporary musical style. Images of young professionals demonstrate how the ideal neoliberal consumer should look and act. The second scene transitions to one of Richie’s recognizable older hits, ‘You Mean More to Me.’ Not only are its lyrics modified to fit the commercial’s family-friendly, sentimental story line, but Pepsi gives viewers a momentary break from the hard sell. This allows Richie to embody the ideal citizen and demonstrate that despite his success he maintains the moral values important to neoconservative audiences. The campaign’s final vignette, ‘Pepsi Feels So Right’ is set to the tune of Richie’s recent hit ‘Running with the Night.’ This commercial brings viewers into advertising’s (and more specifically into Pepsi’s) most recent trend: the performance of new(er) hit songs injected with lyrics that showcase the brand and offer guidance to those who seek fulfillment in the commodity.
The bottom of the page then begins to explain how these commercials imitated the brand’s groundbreaking 1984 commercials with Michael Jackson (analyzed in the previous chapter), leading to a discussion about why Richie’s spots were not received with similar acclaim.

The Page 99 test offers a useful snapshot of the types of arguments and analyses employed in my book. Someone perusing this page might be intrigued enough to either turn back to the beginning of the chapter to see how I arrived at this conclusion, or to keep reading to find out how my methods apply to the other commercials discussed in this chapter. Ideally, this page would encourage readers to go back to the beginning of the book and read the whole thing!

This test applied surprising well to my book, demonstrating my aim to show the many ways that popular music in commercials proves integral to communicating specific values, norms, and ideas. There is so much excellent writing on advertising and music, but much of it ignores or glosses over the fact that the sounds themselves are coded with historically significant tropes that create important connotative and denotative possibilities. My aim is for this book to foreground discussions about the music and to show how and why popular music has been, and continues to be, a powerful force in American advertising.
Learn more about Soda Goes Pop at the University of Michigan Press website.

--Marshal Zeringue

Wednesday, November 20, 2019

Erik R. Seeman's "Speaking with the Dead in Early America"

Erik R. Seeman is Professor of History at the University at Buffalo. He is author or editor of numerous books, including Death in the New World: Cross-Cultural Encounters, 1492-1800.

He applied the “Page 99 Test” to his new book, Speaking with the Dead in Early America, and reported the following:
Page 99 features several examples of what I call “talking gravestones”: markers that represent the dead as speaking or being spoken to.

The first marker on Page 99 is that of Barbary Weekes, a Massachusetts woman who died at age fifty-one in 1798. The stone’s epitaph has her address her fellow denizens of the burial ground: “O my friends I beg a place in your cold bed / That I may rest my limbs and akeing head.”

The second stone on Page 99 memorializes Phebe Gorham, who died on Cape Cod in 1775. Her marker quotes four lines from Edward Young’s Night Thoughts, the ten-thousand-line poem from the early 1740s that was one of the best-loved exemplars of the Graveyard School of English poetry and prose. The epitaph quotes from the poem in a way that encourages passersby to imagine Gorham speaking the words:
Henceforth my Soul in sweetest Union join

The two supports of human Happiness,

Which some erroneous think can never meet:

True Taste of Life, and constant thought of Death.
Markers like those for Weekes and Gorham appealed to mourners because they allowed loved ones to imagine a continuing relationship with the deceased. Starting in the second half of the eighteenth century, the bereaved increasingly visited cemeteries, where they prayed, meditated, and interacted with talking gravestones in a way that helped them maintain a connection with the dead. Such burial ground communion would become a central practice in what I refer to as the antebellum cult of the dead.

Page 99 thus exemplifies several important themes in the book. Methodologically, it demonstrates my use of material culture and literary sources. In addition to gravestones, the book examines embroidery, mourning portraiture, postmortem photography, and much more. And in addition to the Graveyard School, I analyze Gothic fiction, sentimental poetry, and other forms of imaginative literature.

Analytically, Page 99 is one step in the book’s journey of tracing the origins of the antebellum cult of the dead. Speaking with the Dead boldly reinterprets Protestantism as a religion in which the dead played a central role. This counters a long scholarly tradition that sees the Reformation as having successfully ended Catholic practices of maintaining relationships with the dead. My narrative begins with the English Reformation and demonstrates increasing interest in postmortem relationships, culminating in the nineteenth-century cult of the dead.

What Page 99 does not include is one of the book’s many examples of when people believed they were actually communicating with the dead: hearing the words of a ghost, or talking to a guardian angel, or experiencing a vision of heaven. But other than that, this page nicely represents the book’s main concerns.
Learn more about Speaking with the Dead in Early America at the University of Pennsylvania Press website.

--Marshal Zeringue

Tuesday, November 19, 2019

Roger Crowley's "The Accursed Tower"

Roger Crowley is a best-selling narrative historian with deep interests in the Mediterranean world and its surrounding area. At Emmanuel College, Cambridge he read English but has gone on to build a reputation for writing page-turning history based on original sources and careful scholarship.

Crowley is the author of a loose trilogy of books on the Mediterranean: Constantinople: The Last Great Siege/1453 (2005), Empires of the Sea (2008) – a Sunday Times (UK) History Book of the Year in 2009 and a New York Times bestseller – and City of Fortune on Venice (2011), as well as Conquerors (2015), a rare break out into the Atlantic with the Portuguese. His latest book, The Accursed Tower: The Fall of Acre and the End of the Crusades, explores the end of the Holy Land crusades.

Crowley applied the “Page 99 Test” to The Accursed Tower and reported the following:
Page 99 contains the grand words of a treaty sworn by a Muslim sultan: ‘By Allah by Allah by Allah…I bind myself to uphold this blessed truce agreed between myself and the Commune of Acre and the grand masters who live there.’ It goes on to describe the discussions between the sultan and his emirs as to whether the Christians had broken this truce. The Accursed Tower is a history of the collapse of the crusades in the Holy Land, featuring the final siege and destruction of Acre in 1291. Treaties are quite important to the narrative, but the book is really about the dramatic siege itself. The treaties are a detail – not a main element.

Page 99 is interesting however because it’s a hinge moment. It leads to the crucial decision to destroy Acre. It allows us to hear Muslim voices speaking directly to us – the book aims to tell the story from both sides, using Arabic as well as Christian sources – and what follows from this debate will be the launching of the largest Muslim army ever assembled during the crusades. Possibly a hundred thousand men are mobilised, giant catapults are hauled to the city walls, miners are brought in to undermine its foundations. What follows is the Alamo of the crusades – a resistance to the last man by the hopelessly outnumbered crusaders. Six weeks of bloody fighting, detailed in vivid eyewitness accounts, and the key to the defence is the so-called Accursed Tower, situated at a critical point on the city walls.
Visit Roger Crowley's website.

--Marshal Zeringue

Monday, November 18, 2019

Roland De Wolk's "American Disruptor"

Roland De Wolk is a U.C. Berkeley educated historian who left academia for a career in journalism, then returned to teach at a San Francisco Bay Area university as an adjunct while retaining his prize-winning investigative reporting work.

He applied the “Page 99 Test” to his new book, American Disruptor: The Scandalous Life of Leland Stanford, and reported the following:
Page 99 of American Disruptor is a lucid, cogent explanation of the federal government’s ridiculously generous terms on loaning Stanford’s private company what today would be billions of dollars to build the transcontinental railroad – Stanford living a life on those dollars more opulent than maharajas – soon afterwards said he shouldn’t have to pay back.

There is a section break and then a brief narrative on the beginnings of the construction from Sacramento and into the Sierra Nevada.

Since there are some 300 pages total to American Disruptor, having read one page, be it page 99 or any other, you would mostly likely get .3 percent of the work’s content.

Stylistically, one might get a bit more. Let’s be generous and suggest 5 percent.

Page 99 is, as are (hopefully) all the pages, important as it propels the story forward in both important and interesting information and in clean, even elegant, prose. The extraordinarily lavish government seed money for the private enterprise is very much part of the story, as are the terms for Congress’ munificent disposal of hard-earned taxpayer money. This is vital to the deeply documented story of exploitation and abuse of that generosity.
Visit Roland De Wolk's website.

--Marshal Zeringue

Saturday, November 16, 2019

Cedric de Leon's "Crisis!: When Political Parties Lose the Consent to Rule"

Cedric de Leon is Director of the Labor Center and Associate Professor of Sociology at the University of Massachusetts Amherst. His areas of expertise are labor, race, political sociology, and comparative historical sociology. He is the author and editor of five books, including most recently, Crisis! When Political Parties Lose the Consent to Rule.

De Leon applied the “Page 99 Test” to Crisis! When Political Parties Lose the Consent to Rule and reported the following:
Crisis! When Political Parties Lose the Consent to Rule looks back at the U.S. Civil War to identify the political conditions that give rise to crises of public confidence. I use the lessons of the Civil War to make sense of the Great Depression and the election of Donald Trump.

At the center of each moment is the success or failure of the political establishment to absorb an existential challenge to its power. When the establishment fails to absorb such a challenge, the people withdraw their consent to be ruled and the party system fractures. When the establishment succeeds, the people allow their frustrations to be channeled into party politics and the party system is stabilized.

Page 99 of Crisis! is in the middle of the chapter on the Great Depression. In addition to being the worst economic downturn in American history, the Depression was also a politically tumultuous time. Industrial workers struck in the hundreds of thousands, farmers’ unions fought pitched battles with police in the streets, and communism was popular not just in Chicago, Detroit, and New York, but also in the South. Even to the casual observer, it seemed as if the republic were teetering on the edge of revolution.

But the Democratic Party did something then that few expected: they remade themselves into the party of the forgotten man and inaugurated what we know today as the New Deal. As part of the New Deal, Democrats and progressive Republicans passed the National Labor Relations Act of 1935, which recognized the right of workers to bargain collectively with their bosses.

In doing so, the Democrats absorbed the challenge posed by striking workers and revolutionaries. Page 99 chronicles an especially poignant moment in that process, when labor leaders organized their members to withdraw their support for third parties and back the Democrats instead. Sidney Hillman, for example, president of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, persuaded his executive board to abandon the idea of an independent labor party in 1936. Hillman warned that under a Republican administration,
“It would be silly to discuss organization in steel and the automobile industry. There would be no room for the CIO [the Congress of Industrial Organizations] … You talk labor party. But can you have a labor party without an economic labor movement? … I say to you that the defeat of Roosevelt and the introduction of a real Fascist administration such as we will have is going to make the work of building a labor movement impossible.”
Franklin Delano Roosevelt and the Democratic Party thus used the New Deal to coopt a once vibrant and politically independent labor movement and thereby stopped the crisis of public confidence from escalating into an all-out revolution.

None of this is to suggest that it is better to contain a crisis than it is to succumb to one. As director of the UMass Amherst Labor Center I can hardly celebrate the cooptation of the labor movement. Nor do I revel in the crisis of public confidence that has gripped the United States in the Trump era. Instead my goal is to understand when and why the political establishment loses the consent to rule.

Crisis! does have important political implications, though, and those I do not shy away from. The fact that our current crisis bears some resemblance to the Civil War and the Great Depression makes a strong historical analysis a matter of utmost urgency. Like the triumph of ethnic nationalism today, the crises over slavery and mass unemployment during the Depression were the result of partisan maneuvers and grassroots movements that divided civil society and made possible the unthinkable. What politicians and social movements do now can mean the difference between fascism and democracy.
Learn more about Crisis!: When Political Parties Lose the Consent to Rule at the Stanford University Press website.

The Page 99 Test: The Origins of Right to Work: Antilabor Democracy in Nineteenth-Century Chicago by Cedric de Leon.

--Marshal Zeringue

Thursday, November 14, 2019

Brandon R. Byrd's "The Black Republic"

Brandon R. Byrd is an intellectual historian of the 19th and 20th century United States with specializations in African American History and the African Diaspora. Currently, he teaches at Vanderbilt University, where he an assistant professor in the Department of History and an affiliate of the Department of African American and Diaspora Studies.

Byrd applied the “Page 99 Test” to his new book, The Black Republic: African Americans and the Fate of Haiti, and reported the following:
The Black Republic: African Americans and the Fate of Haiti re-considers the history of black internationalism and black political thought in the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries by focusing on how and why black intellectuals in the United States engaged with the political realities, people, and ideas of Haiti. Page 99 reads as follows:
In 1889, a debate unfolded in St. Louis, Missouri. Under the St. Louis School Board’s initial plan for renaming the city’s colored schools, Wendell Phillips, the late abolitionist known for his antebellum lecture on Toussaint Louverture, would become the namesake of Colored School No. 5 while a host of other white abolitionists, politicians, and Union officers would receive similar honors. The proposal failed; to the chagrin of the St. Louis Post Dispatch, the names of those “saviors of the colored race” never graced the segregated black schoolhouses in the city. The newspaper, owned and operated by the conservative white Democrat Joseph Pulitzer, complained that the St. Louis School Board revised its recommendation after African Americans protested the renaming of Colored School No. 6 in honor of Winfield Scott Hancock, a deceased Union general, Democratic politician, and avowed segregationist. Bowing to that pressure, the Post-Dispatch grumbled, the St. Louis School Board scrapped its first proposal and requested that black principals offer names for their institutions in recognition of black heroes and heroines.

Divided opinions within black St. Louis soon emerged. In a letter to the St. Louis School Board, the principal of Colored School No. 1 argued that “the imputation already rests upon [African Americans] that we are slow to appreciate our real benefactors and friends” and predicted that those “imputations would certainly rest upon stronger grounds” if his school “failed to honor the memory of Wendell Phillips ... the scholar, the orator, the fearless anti-slavery advocate.” Other black principals in St. Louis welcomed the chance to express their race pride even if it meant drawing the ire of their white counterparts. Indeed, some wanted school names that commemorated the most radical expression of black independence in the world.
This page, which opens Chapter 3 of The Black Republic, recounts a controversy over the re-naming of black schools in St. Louis, which ended in Colored School No. 2 becoming the Dessalines School and Colored School No. 4 re-emerging as the Toussaint L’Ouverture School. It is part of a vignette that leads to the ensuing chapter’s main arguments. The decision of Arthur Dessalines Langston, the principal of Colored School No. 2, and other black St. Louisans to name their schools after Toussaint Louverture, one of the foremost leaders of the Haitian Revolution, and Jean Jacques Dessalines, Haiti’s first head-of-state, suggests the deeper meaning of Haiti to African Americans during the post-Reconstruction era. “Haiti,” I go on to write, “came to epitomize virile black manhood and militant resistance to racial oppression” in a moment of dimming prospects for global black freedom. “It was an inspiring albeit embattled stronghold of black self-determination in the Age of Imperialism and Jim Crow.”

A reader who opened The Black Republic to page 99 would get a better idea of the main ideas of Chapter 3 than of the central arguments of the whole book. The Black Republic tracks African American thinking about Haiti, a singular black nation-state born in slave insurrection, across the shifting political, cultural, and social landscape of a “long postemancipation era” stretching from the U.S. Civil War through the period between World War I and World War II. It finds consistent interest among a diverse group of U.S. black intellectuals in Haiti’s perceived exceptionalism but inconsistent, complex, and sometimes conflicting interpretations of Haiti’s meaning to African Americans, the United States, and the world. Put simply, page 99 introduces readers to one iteration of a multifaceted aspect of black internationalist and political thought.

Still, it is worth mentioning that a reader applying the “Page 99 Test” to The Black Republic would get a strong sense of my methodologies even though they would not get a holistic understanding of the entire book. Like numerous other contemporary intellectual historians, particularly those writing about black intellectual history, my work is influenced by social and cultural history. The Black Republic thus mines a diverse archive composed of written, oral, material, and visual sources produced by self-defined intellectuals and organic thinkers alike. It finds ideas wherever they emerge, including the naming of colored schools.
Visit Brandon R. Byrd's website.

--Marshal Zeringue

Wednesday, November 13, 2019

Pekka Hämäläinen's "Lakota America"

Pekka Hämäläinen is the Rhodes Professor of American History and Fellow of St. Catherine’s College at Oxford University. He has served as the principal investigator of a five-year project on nomadic empires in world history, funded by the European Research Council. His book, The Comanche Empire, won the Bancroft Prize in 2009.

Hämäläinen applied the “Page 99 Test” to his new book, Lakota America: A New History of Indigenous Power, and reported the following:
The test better than works—if I could have chosen any page, 99 would have been a strong contender. It finds the Lakotas in the Missouri Valley in the early 1790s in the middle of talks with the Mandan and Omaha Indians, trying to forge an accommodation. Having shifted westward from the Minnesota Valley homelands in search of horses and bison, the Lakotas had reached the Missouri—Mníšoše to them—three decades earlier and had almost instantly clashed with a number of villagers who saw them as invaders. The result was a long and violent struggle between the Lakotas and Mandans, Hidatsas, and Arikaras over the mastery of a river that was about to emerge as one of North America’s key commercial arteries. The peace process failed. The Missouri was home and sacred for the villagers, a place where all their history had happened, and they were determined to keep the Lakotas out. Soon after the Lakotas attacked a Mandan village of fifty-eight lodges and killed everyone in it.

That was one the one of the most significant turning points in Lakota history. Demoralized, the Mandans retreated upriver, pushing north until they reached the Hidatsa villages at the mouth of the Knife River. A few years later the Arikaras, too, abandoned their remaining villages near the Lakotas and sought refuge in the west and north. Nearly a two-hundred-mile expanse of the Missouri now lay vacant ahead of the Lakotas. They pushed in, gaining a massive reservoir of water, grass, game, timber, and shelter. They had become the masters of the Missouri Valley who gave Lewis and Clark a pause, a premonition of the carnage in the Little Bighorn Valley three generations later.

We tend to see the Lakotas as quintessential horse people who dominated the vast grasslands of the Northern Great Plains, but that was a later development. Here the Lakotas reinvent themselves as river people who made Mníšoše the center of their world. It was there that they assumed their sacred form as the seven oyátes, or “people,” splitting up and linking up along the life-giving river. It was there that they learned how to contain colonial powers and it was there that they began to develop the strategies that would allow them to build an Indigenous empire in the northern plains in the late nineteenth century—and frustrate the United States’ westward expansion for decades.
Learn more about Lakota America at the Yale University Press website.

--Marshal Zeringue

Tuesday, November 12, 2019

Nathan Spannaus's "Preserving Islamic Tradition"

Nathan Spannaus is a specialist in Islamic intellectual history and religious thought. He is a graduate of McGill University's Institute of Islamic Studies and Harvard's Department of Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations, and he has held positions at Princeton and Oxford. His work has appeared in Islamic Law and Society, Muslim World, Arabica, and Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, and he has contributed to the Oxford Handbook of Islamic Theology, the Encyclopedia of Islam and the two-volume Modern Islamic Authority and Social Change. He is currently a postdoctoral researcher in Islamic philosophy at University of Jyvaskyla, Finland.

Spannaus applied the “Page 99 Test” to his new book, Preserving Islamic Tradition: Abu Nasr Qursawi and the Beginnings of Modern Reformism, and reported the following:
From page 99:
precedents were utilized in novel ways and engaged in continuing Islamic scholarly discourse.

Jackson (noted in the Introduction) characterizes taqlīd as “scaffolding,” a conception of authority in which the work of earlier scholars was accepted by later scholars to facilitate their own scholarship. There was little need or incentive for the latter to revisit larger, more structural issues, he argues, and taqlīd allowed them to instead devote their energies to addressing more minute but also more advanced questions, leading to more sophisticated scholarship. Taqlīd thus served as a paradigm for scholarship, in which the positions of earlier scholars were utilized as premises for the formulation of new positions within the same discourse.

A significant benefit of the taqlīd framework was that it limited the potential for the formulation of deviant or anomalous views. Coherence was a major goal of taqlīd, and, as scholars were generally obliged to conform to the established positions of their school or faction, they were restrained in their interpretive activity and the possible scope for any new position was narrowed. Scaffolding was therefore understood to safeguard (though not necessarily ensure) the correctness of scholars’ formulations, which could depart only so much from the views of their predecessors. A direct connection with scripture was thus seen as unnecessary, as any new stance would have to align with positions that had been previously legitimated as correct. Indeed, the interpretation of scripture without the limits imparted by the taqlīd framework was considered more likely to breed erroneous, unpredictable, and/or incoherent views.

Although much of the attention devoted to taqlīd in secondary literature is focused on its role in the area of law, its place in kalām was not
This passage offers an interesting window into the book. The discussion on page 99 is part of a longer section addressing taqlid, a key element in the history of the Islamic scholarly tradition that mediates how new ideas relate to existing ones and represents the link between Islamic knowledge and religious authority. Its ‘scaffolding’ was of central importance for the development of Islamic scholarship, for which taqlid served as the predominant framework for nearly a millenium. The focus of the book is not on taqlid per se, but rather it’s about a critique of this framework, and then how it was transformed in the early modern period. Taqlid, however, is not very well understood, especially for later periods (roughly 15th-18th centuries), which are among the least studied in Islamic history, and the book devotes significant attention to how it operated, both in theory and in practice.

Abu Nasr Qursawi (1776-1812), the subject of the book, took aim at taqlid, specifically that it excluded erroneous positions. He believed this was not necessarily the case, but moreover that it actually hid errors in received wisdom by giving it a patina of validity. Accordingly, he called for greater skepticism toward established views and investigation into them to determine their correctness.

He identified two major points where he argued that invalid positions had been perpetuated by taqlid: on the timing of the night prayer and on the question of God’s attributes. For both cases, he criticized the assumption that the predominant views must be correct because they are so widespread, and he argued on logical and scriptural grounds that they in fact cannot be correct and must be rejected. (Each of these issues is fairly intricate, but they’re addressed in detail in the book.)

In the background of Qursawi’s criticism of his fellow scholars was the subordination of Islamic institutions by the Russian government. State control bureaucratized scholars, disrupting the link between knowledge and religious authority. In response, Qursawi put forward a radical rethinking of laypeople’s role in articulating Islamic morality, arguing that any educated Muslim should determine correct action for themselves, without scholarly guidance. Nevertheless, in this context the framework of taqlid was seriously undermined. Its mediation between new and existing views gradually came to be rejected, and the entire edifice of the Islamic scholarly tradition called into question. Preserving Islamic Tradition uses Qursawi’s reformism and its implications as a lens for exploring these historical and religious transformations.
Learn more about Preserving Islamic Tradition at the Oxford University Press website.

--Marshal Zeringue

Monday, November 11, 2019

David J. Silverman's "This Land Is Their Land"

David J. Silverman is a professor at George Washington University, where he specializes in Native American, Colonial American, and American racial history. He is the author of Thundersticks, Red Brethren, Ninigret, and Faith and Boundaries. His essays have won major awards from the Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture and the New York Academy of History.

Silverman applied the “Page 99 Test” to his new book, This Land Is Their Land: The Wampanoag Indians, Plymouth Colony, and the Troubled History of Thanksgiving, and reported the following:
Page 99 of This Land is Their Land appears early in chapter 3, which explores how the Wampanoag Indians’ decimation by an unidentified epidemic between 1616 and 1619 was the essential context to their outreach to Plymouth colony in 1621. Contrary to the Thanksgiving myth, the Wampanoags did not engage the English because they were inherently friendly. Rather, the Wampanoags needed allies and fast because the Narragansett tribe, which had escaped the disease, was subjugating them in their weakness to the status of tributaries. Page 99 is part of a larger discussion of what Wampanoag country was like just before the epidemic. It traces how the density of the Wampanoag population and the Wampanoags’ long-distance social and political networks enabled the disease to spread from human to human between the Saco River of Maine on the north and the east side of Narragansett Bay on the south. This discussion also explores the intertribal enmities that prevented the sickness from reaching the Narragansett tribe on the west side of the bay. Page 99 quotes the writings of European explorers who preceded the Mayflower in southern New England that Wampanoag country was full of people and “an excellent place both for health and fertility.” It also uses those sources, and the Indian testimony on which they drew, to sketch the close relationship between the Wampanoags of what is now southeastern Massachusetts and the Massachusett Indians of Massachusetts Bay, where Boston is now located. The Wampanoags depended on the Massachusett Indians as allies against the Narragansett tribe to the south, whereas the Massachusett Indians depended on the Wampanoags as trade partners and military allies in relations with the Wabanakis of Maine to the north. The Wabanakis were in steady contact with European fishermen from several different nations, to whom they traded furs in exchange for metal tools in high demand among Native people. To facilitate this trade, the Wabanakis began dedicating more time to hunting beaver for pelts and less to producing food, but they made up for that shift by trading bits of metal and worn out tools to the Massachusett Indians in exchange for their corn. The Massachusett Indians probably exchanged a portion of this metal to the Wampanoags for additional corn. When the corn-producing Massachusett people refused to bargain on Wabanaki terms, the Wabanakis launched amphibious raids against them in “their newly acquired sailing vessels” from Europeans. The epidemic of 1616-19 would feast on such human connections to the devastation of the aforementioned tribes.

The “page 99 test” would work once the reader has finished my book and absorbed its overarching themes, but probably not otherwise. This Land is Their Land emphasizes that the sanitized Thanksgiving myth is lousy history for a host of reasons. Those reasons include depicting America as a New World or wilderness instead of reckoning with Native people’s ancient history and civilizations; sidestepping the century of bloody contact between the Wampanoags and Europeans before the arrival of the Mayflower as Europeans repeatedly raided the coast for captives and plunder; ignoring that the Wampanoags’ “friendly” outreach to Plymouth colony stemmed from their need for military and trade allies to offset the threat of the Narragansett tribe after the epidemic of 1616-19; and using a shared meal as a symbol of bloodless colonialism and Indian consent to their own displacement instead of acknowledging the Wampanaogs’ resentment of aggressive English expansion, culminating in the bloody King Philip’s War of 1675-76. The Thanksgiving myth also elides the three centuries of Wampanoag struggles with colonialism after King Philip’s War, including the processes by which whites reduced them to near landlessness and servitude, denied their Indian identities and rights, and assigned them to romantic bit parts in the nation’s founding myth. Finally, I emphasize that the Wampanoags’ National Day of Mourning, held in Plymouth annually since 1970, reflect a centuries’-long Wampanoag critique of colonialism as a betrayal of their people’s historic alliance with Plymouth. Telling this history in its full complexity involves addressing not only the troubled history of Wampaoag-English relations, but the intra- and intertribal politics of the Wampanoags, which often drove their policies toward the New England colonies. In this respect, the page 99 test proves true.
Learn more about This Land Is Their Land at the Bloomsbury website.

--Marshal Zeringue

Saturday, November 9, 2019

Jon Lawrence's "Me, Me, Me?"

Jon Lawrence works on modern British social, cultural, and political history, and is now based at the University of Exeter. He has previously taught at University College, London, the University of Liverpool, Harvard University, and the University of Cambridge. Lawrence has published extensively on British social and political history including Speaking for the People: Party, Language and Popular Politics in England, 1867-1914 (1998) and Electing Our Masters: The Hustings in British Politics from Hogarth to Blair (2009).

He applied the “Page 99 Test” to his new book, Me, Me, Me?: The Search for Community in Post-war England, and reported the following:
From page 69:
[She] clearly took pride in having been a trail blazer for domestic refrigeration, but there is little sense here of competitive one-upmanship. For [Beryl] Watts, private consumption was something to be shared with friends who, like her, strongly identified with the pleasures of making their first home. Peter Willmott’s 1963 study of the massive Dagenham estate on London’s eastern fringe drew similar conclusions, arguing that ‘the process by which one family followed another’s example was the result of friendly endorsement rather than rivalry’, and concluding that ‘in the main people on the estate seem to see their fellows not as adversaries but as allies in a general advance.’

Others challenged the implications of the question more directly. Linda Jones, a hairdresser in her late forties, replied ‘Not really. Most of us have these things but I don’t see where competition comes in’ (note the use of ‘us’ here; in many ways it was a bigger challenge to the researchers’ assumptions than her denial that people were competitive). Mrs Pearce, an Irishwoman in her early thirties, took a different, more personal, tack by replying, ‘For me there’s not. I go out to work. We have them all.’ But arguably her narrower, more individualist, outlook said more about her pride in contributing to the family’s well-being, than about her love of things. Certainly, her explanation of why she voted Labour suggested strong identification with her neighbours: ‘Labour stands for me, and for next door, and for all the people in the street’. Mrs Tufnell, a bricklayer’s wife from Shoreditch tried a different approach, arguing ‘people don’t compete, but they have room now, and they like nice things’, while others simply pointed to practicalities: that young couples moving from furnished rooms to a new three-bed, unfurnished house were bound to need to focus on home-making. Mr and Mrs Bridge were in exactly this situation, having moved to Stevenage as newly-weds in 1956. They tried to explain that paying to furnish their new home was the one down-side of the move: ‘We do get very short at the end of the week. If we didn’t have everything to buy we’d be quite well off really.’ Sadly, the interviewer, almost certainly Samuel, wasn’t listening – having noted that all their furniture was new (was there even much choice about this in late-1950s Stevenage?), he commented: ‘pattern of mass media imposed misery’. It was the New Left’s ‘false wants’ thesis about the corrosive effects of ‘affluence’ reduced to a soundbite. It seems unlikely that the Bridges would have concurred.

Many people resented the suggestion that they (or their neighbours) only wanted things because others had them. Margaret Richardson, a housewife in her late twenties, insisted that ‘everyone wants them regardless of the neighbours’, and Kevin Burnaby, a maintenance fitter originally from Cornwall, replied ‘If they can afford it they get it. [They] used to be a luxury but now they’re necessities’.
In many ways this page does get to the heart of the book’s central theme in that it showcases the rich insights to be gained from re-reading historic social-science testimony ‘against the grain’. Me, Me, Me? explores how people made sense of rapid social and cultural change in England in the decades after the Second World War; how they acted as sociologists of their own lives, and how these vernacular understandings of change often challenged the preconceptions of expert observers. In short, it analyses how people sought to reconcile the competing claims of self and society across seven decades marked by rapid technological, economic and cultural change.

In this extract, the focus is on the culture wars over mass consumption in late-fifties Britain. The page discusses how residents of Stevenage New Town responded to being asked a decidedly leading question about their consumption habits: ‘Do you think there is much competition between neighbours over washing-machines, T.V. sets, refrigerators and so on here?’. This survey was conducted in the immediate aftermath of the Conservative Party’s landslide victory at the 1959 election. Prosperous southern English towns like Stevenage had swung heavily towards the Conservatives, and many on the Left became convinced that the rising prosperity associated with the ‘affluent society’, represented a fundamental challenge to the nation’s post-45 social democratic settlement. The field-work in Stevenage was conducted by the young historian and New Left intellectual Raph Samuel on behalf of the Institute of Community Studies. In an article published in the first issue of New Left Review, Samuel ended up using the survey’s findings to argue against narrowly economic explanations for the Conservatives’ 1959 victory, but, as we see here, this did not mean that he found it easy to understand working-class respondents’ practical responses to the emerging consumer society. Both the survey’s original question, and the parenthesised comment about ‘mass media imposed misery’ signal an inability to imagine the practical challenges facing young couples suddenly transported from cramped furnished rooms to a spacious new family home deep in the Hertfordshire countryside (and hence far from friends and family). More broadly, it was absurd to equate wanting a refrigerator with anything other than wanting a) to store food safely, and b) not to have to make a trip to the shops every day when there was no longer a shop on every street corner. Researchers assumed that suburban living meant atomisation, status anxiety and competitive consumption, but Beryl Watts saw things differently. On the previous page readers hear her telling Samuel’s researcher: ‘When I got my fridge the whole street came to look at it, and now they’ve all got one’. In 1959, self and society remained indivisible in vernacular accounts of the new consumerism.
Learn more about Me, Me, Me? at the Oxford University Press website.

--Marshal Zeringue

Thursday, November 7, 2019

Helen Fry's "The Walls Have Ears"

Helen Fry is the author of The London Cage and over twenty books focusing on intelligence and POWs in World War II. She consulted on the docudrama Spying on Hitler’s Army and appeared in BBC’s Home Front Heroes.

Fry applied the “Page 99 Test” to her latest book, The Walls Have Ears: The Greatest Intelligence Operation of World War II, and reported the following:
Page 99 of The Walls Have Ears lands at the very heart of the book’s narrative and a good example of the book’s content. This page begins the extraordinary saga of the German generals and their life in captivity in a stately house, Trent Park at Cockfosters on the outskirts of London. Page 99 narrates the arrival of the first German generals, Generals Cruwell and von Thoma, after capture in North Africa in May and November 1942. They were swiftly followed by 12 other senior commanders and generals after the surrender in North Africa in May 1943. At Trent Park they were treated according to their status as ‘military gentlemen’, but little did they realise that nothing in their surroundings was as it seemed. They were actually being held at the behest of British and American intelligence. Deep in the walls, hidden in plant pots and the billiards table were embedded microphones. The devices were wired back to a special listening room in the basement, known as the ‘M Room’, where teams of secret listeners were working in 12 hour shifts.

This was all part of an already elaborate and carefully orchestrated bugging operation of German prisoners that had begun in the Tower of London in September 1939. The prisoners were often given a ‘phoney’ interrogation, and believed the British were unbelievably stupid and incompetent. When they returned to their cellmate, they boasted about what they had not told the interrogating officer – all within earshot of the hidden microphones. The operation grew so rapidly that it moved to Trent Park at the end of 1939, and within 2 years had extra sites at Latimer House and Wilton Park, both outside London in Buckinghamshire. The clever deception, headed by MI6 spymaster Thomas Joseph Kendrick, became a massive intelligence-gathering factory that provided vital information for every campaign of the war. The volume of intelligence is staggering: from intelligence ahead of the Battle of Britain in 1940 and new enemy technology to night fighter strategy, new aircraft and fighting capability, U-boat operations and construction, detailed information on coastal defences ahead of D-Day, as well as the mass atrocities and concentration camps.

It was from the German Generals, tasked with keeping the Third Reich’s most closely guarded secrets, that the biggest intelligence coup came. They inadvertently gave away the existence and location of Hitler’s deadly V-weapons (V-1 and V-2) at Peenemünde on the Baltic coast. It led directly to the bombing of Peenemünde in August 1943 in Operation Crossbow on the orders of Prime Minister Winston Churchill. But British and American intelligence knew that to get this intelligence from them, the Generals had to be totally off guard if they were to speak freely within range of the microphones. What emerged is a seemingly outrageous scenario where they were wined and dined, looked after by a fake aristocrat ‘Lord Aberfeldy’, taken on trips to the posh restaurant of Simpsons in the Strand and given copious supplies of gin at the Ritz. It worked and they were were totally hood-winked. The frivolity and outlandish treatment of the Generals had one aim – to win the intelligence war. It is now recognised that this clandestine unit of spies shortened the war alongside Bletchley Park, and without it, the outcome of the war and restoration of democracy in Europe would have been very different.
Visit Helen Fry's website.

The Page 99 Test: The London Cage.

--Marshal Zeringue

Wednesday, November 6, 2019

David Farber's "Crack"

David Farber is Roy A. Roberts Distinguished Professor of History at the University of Kansas. He is the author of numerous books, including Everybody Ought to be Rich (2013), The Rise and Fall of Modern American Conservatism (2010), Taken Hostage (2004), Sloan Rules (2002), The Age of Great Dreams (1994), and Chicago '68 (1988). He lived in New York City with his family at the height of the crack cocaine years and later lived across the street from a small-time crack distributorship in Philadelphia.

Farber applied the “Page 99 Test” to his new book, Crack: Rock Cocaine, Street Capitalism, and the Decade of Greed, and reported the following:
Page 99 is one of my favorite pages in Crack. Clifford Bey is the page’s protagonist. I had interviewed Mr. Bey in Chicago in a fancy law office where he now works part-time as an investigator. Mr. Bey told me things about the crack cocaine era—the 1980s and 1990s-- that I never would have learned from any archive.

Back in the mid-1980s, Mr. Bey had just been released from the penitentiary after nine long years. He came back to Chicago as crack was first taking off in his southside neighborhood. On page 99, he starts to explain what it was like to watch crack invade his community.

The back story to the interview I did with Mr. Bey is almost as good as what he actually told me. A criminal defense attorney I know told me that Mr. Bey knew a lot about the main men who had distributed crack cocaine in Chicago. He had grown up with them and he served time with them. So when Mr. Bey agreed to talk with me I was excited; getting people involved with the crack trade to tell me about their experiences was, as you might expect, difficult.

Also as you might expect, practically the first thing Mr. Bey told me was that he was not about to tell me about anything that anyone did that was illegal. That was not good news. But he then told me a lot about what it was like to be a young black man living in an all-black neighborhood in Chicago in the 1980s, after the steel mills and car-parts factories and the small textile factories had all shut down and decent paying work for unschooled men was mercilessly hard to find. He explained why young men where he lived turned to the crack game. Page 99 tells a critical aspect of both his story and the bigger story of the book.
Learn more about Crack at the Cambridge University Press website.

--Marshal Zeringue

Tuesday, November 5, 2019

John Ibson's "Men without Maps"

John Ibson is emeritus professor of American Studies at California State University, Fullerton.

He applied the “Page 99 Test” to his new book, Men without Maps: Some Gay Males of the Generation before Stonewall, and reported the following:
The 99th page of my book describes two of the large photo albums put together by Ambrose Edens, a Texas Christian University Professor of Religion, definitely one of the most interesting of the “males of the generation before Stonewall” upon whom Men without Maps concentrates. Edens didn’t leave behind the sort of written evidence—memoirs and correspondence, for instance—that many of my work’s other subjects did, so I had only his several photo albums and some highly revealing interviews I conducted with some friends and colleagues of his as the primary material on which to base my investigation of his interesting life. Page 99 deals entirely with two of these albums, describes the photos in them, and speculates about the significance that the snapshots in the albums may have had for Edens. Since those albums are but one piece of evidence about him, since my discussion of the albums occurs early in my treatment of Edens, and since he is only one of the several men discussed in my book, I don’t think page 99 is necessarily the most representative single page one might select to get a sense of what my book is about. It does, however, provide a browser with a good example of my writing, to help that browser decide whether I tell a good enough story to make an entire book of my story-telling appealing.

As the title of my book suggests, I think that American men of the mid-twentieth century who were drawn to other men may aptly be described as mapless, as persons whose society gave them precious little guidance, except by way of scorn, for how to live their lives, how to be in the world, insofar as their queer sexual yearnings were involved. Acting on their yearnings was still a crime, of course, and their country’s popular culture provided no affirmative models whose sexuality might seem similar to their own. By contrast, of course, many sorts of “maps” for heterosexuals were all over the place in midcentury America, free for the asking, their acceptance indeed often insisted upon.

Men who achieved a fame of some sort appear in my book, but most of the men about whom I’ve written are more ordinary than that, with the records of their lives preserved in certain archives, such as the Human Sexuality Collection at Cornell. Unlike most of the other men studied so far by my historian colleagues, the men in my book were not prominent leaders of the midcentury period’s burgeoning homosexual-rights organizations. Getting to know these “men without maps” has much to tell us about midcentury American sexuality, of course, its opportunities and definitions, its challenges and its rewards. A recurring theme in my book is that studying these mapless men informs us not only about meanings of queerness during the period, but also about the constrictions on expressions of same-sex affection that any American man of the midcentury period was likely to encounter.
Learn more about Men without Maps at the University of Chicago Press website.

--Marshal Zeringue

Monday, November 4, 2019

Tim Stuart-Buttle's "From Moral Theology to Moral Philosophy"

Tim Stuart-Buttle is Lecturer in the Department of Politics at the University of York, UK. The appallingly titled From Moral Theology to Moral Philosophy: Cicero and Visions of Humanity from Locke to Hume is his first book, and a revised and extended version of his doctoral thesis. He is currently at work on a monograph that reconstructs an early modern debate to which practically every philosopher of note contributed, but which has received relatively little scholarly attention: on mankind’s desire for esteem and its social, moral, theological and political consequences.

Stuart-Buttle applied the “Page 99 Test” to From Moral Theology to Moral Philosophy and reported the following:
The Page 99 Test finds us midway through Chapter 2, which explores the moral theory of Anthony Ashley Cooper, 3rd earl of Shaftesbury (1671-1713), the author of the highly influential Characteristicks of Men, Manners, Opinions, Times (1711; 1714). Page 99 invites us to consider Shaftesbury’s treatment of issues – whether the soul is immortal; whether a future state of rewards and punishments is required to motivate us to behave morally; and what the philosophers of ancient Greece and Rome had to say on these questions – that are central to the work as a whole. It explains that, in denying that virtue relies upon a belief in immortality and divine judgment, Shaftesbury’s primary objective was to repudiate the moral theory of his ‘friend and foster-father’: John Locke (1632-1704). Shaftesbury did so by labouring the superiority of the moral philosophy of the ancient Stoics (notably Epictetus, Marcus Aurelius and Horace) when compared to Christian moral theology. Like a number of more recent moral philosophers (such as Alasdair MacIntyre), Shaftesbury understood “modern” moral philosophy to have taken a horribly ‘wrong turn’ in the seventeenth century, as the methodologies of the new experimental sciences were increasingly applied to ethical subjects. Here, Thomas Hobbes was implicated alongside Locke: if recent natural philosophers reduced the world to atoms without any intelligent design, Locke and Hobbes stood accused of similarly denying any order and meaning in the moral universe. Shaftesbury claimed to find in the writings of the ancient Stoics a vision of human nature that was consistent with the existence of a truly good (non-Christian) God, who created man in such a way as to allow him to identify the good (through reason), and to discipline himself so as to pursue it. Philosophy, for the Stoics as for Shaftesbury, was a ‘way of life’ – a vision of philosophy recently revived by Pierre Hadot; and the truly virtuous individual does not require the sanctions of either civil law or divine judgment in order to live as they ought. They live virtuously because they recognise that it is only by doing so that they embrace what truly makes them human: moral autonomy, and the responsibility for making the right choices.

The page 99 test works well: it shows why early-modern philosophers identified their philosophies (and their antagonists’) with late Hellenistic philosophical traditions. Shaftesbury portrayed Locke and Hume as Epicureans of a degenerate kind: they deny that human beings are naturally sociable creatures, inclined to virtue; they portray mankind as captive to passions over which they have no rational control; and they depict God as a capricious being uninterested in human life and worthy only of fear, not love. Shaftesbury indicates the polemical advantages of identifying with an alternative philosophical tradition (Stoicism) to expose and correct such philosophical errors. But Shaftesbury’s interpretation of Locke was jaundiced: as Chapter 1 shows, Locke professed his admiration for an alternative late Hellenistic tradition – academic scepticism, identified with Cicero – which he presented as mediating between the rival errors of the Stoics and Epicureans. In Chapters 4 and 5, we see how two other influential eighteenth-century philosophers – the heterodox Anglican clergyman Conyers Middleton (1683-1750), and David Hume (1711-76) adopted a strikingly similar (Ciceronian) approach. Meanwhile Chapter 3 reveals how Shaftesbury’s most acute critic, Bernard Mandeville (1670-1733), employed Epicurean motifs and sources in his attack on Shaftesbury’s philosophy.

The central objective of the book is to show how the claim of moral theology – that the moral quality of human actions must be understood in the light of God’s intentions for His created beings – increasingly came under the microscope ca. 1650-1750. This is not a triumphalist origins story of secular modernity; nor is it a MacIntyre-style narrative of the pathogenesis of ‘modern’ moral philosophy. I am attentive to the losses, as well as gains, that this development involved: if it resulted in an emaciated conception of justice, it foregrounded the importance of social relations in the shaping of individual identity. Here, the book challenges the notion that the supposed forefathers of modern liberalism – Hobbes, Locke, Hume, Adam Smith – focused on the ‘atomised’ individual (to borrow from Charles Taylor). Instead, they offer us a much richer vision of human nature and human life than is often recognized. The richness and complexity of their thought might alert us to our own need to think rather harder about the challenges we face if we are to live together in such ways as contribute to our shared pursuit of happiness and meaning.
Learn more about From Moral Theology to Moral Philosophy at the Oxford University Press website.

--Marshal Zeringue

Sunday, November 3, 2019

Karen Stohr's "Minding the Gap"

Karen Stohr is the Ryan Family Term Associate Professor of Metaphysics and Moral Philosophy at Georgetown University and Senior Research Scholar in Georgetown's Kennedy Institute of Ethics. She works primarily in normative ethical theory, focusing on Aristotelian virtue ethics and Kantian ethics. She also writes on the ethical dimensions of civility, manners, and social interactions. She is author of On Manners (2011).

Stohr applied the “Page 99 Test” to her latest book, Minding the Gap: Moral Ideals and Moral Improvement, and reported the following:
A reader opening to page 99 would find themselves in the fourth chapter of the book, a chapter titled “Moral Aspirations.” As it happens, several concepts that are crucial to the book’s argument appear on that page. In the first paragraph, which carries over from page 98, I am drawing together two ideas – one from the 18th century Prussian philosopher Immanuel Kant and the other from the contemporary American philosopher David Velleman. The idea from Kant is the idea of what he calls a “beautiful illusion of virtue,” which we create when we behave politely to each other in public. Kant thought we had a moral duty to cultivate the social graces on the grounds that they create an illusion of virtuous behavior. On his view, the illusion serves several important roles. It makes virtue appealing, and it also helps us develop habits of genuinely virtuous action. By behaving kindly and respectfully to people, we will turn ourselves into kind and respectful people. Moreover, the rules of polite behavior are mutually binding. In treating you respectfully, I create a social obligation for you to treat me in the same way. In abiding by these social norms, we jointly construct an illusion in which we behave as better versions of our actual selves. And this is where the idea from David Velleman comes in. Velleman coined the term ‘fictive’ to describe something that is part truth, part fiction. I argue that these better versions of ourselves should be understood as fictive moral selves. My fictive moral self is the moral self I am trying to become. Unless I am a moral saint, my actual self does not always resemble my fictive moral self. This is the part that is fiction. But it does express my moral aspirations. This is the part that is truth. In acting as our fictive moral selves, we become more like those selves. I call this inhabiting an aspirational moral identity.

On page 99 I argue that our ability to act as our fictive moral selves, or inhabit our aspirational moral identities, is dependent on the social environment in which we find ourselves. In order to act as my fictive moral self, I need other people to help hold me into the moral identity represented by that self. (I borrowed the idea of holding someone into an identity from another contemporary philosopher, Hilde Lindemann.) We hold people into identities by interacting with them in those terms. On page 99, I illustrate this idea with a literary example that runs throughout the book. The example is Stevens, the main character in Kazuo Ishiguro’s novel, Remains of the Day. Stevens is a butler undergoing a major identity crisis. His crisis has two dimensions, one internal and one external. The internal crisis is that he has come to doubt the value of his all-consuming identity as a butler, an identity that gives his whole life its character and meaning. On page 99, I am discussing the external dimension of his crisis, which is that the social world that supported his identity as a butler is collapsing around him. For the first time in decades, he has left Darlington Hall, the great house where he has spent his entire career, and gone on a road trip into the countryside. The further he gets from Darlington Hall, the less he is able to act as a butler. The people he encounters on his trip have no idea what a butler like him does, much less how that identity might shape his entire worldview. This means that they cannot hold him into that identity in their interactions with him. Since the identity of a butler is the only identity Stevens has, he struggles to interact at all.

I say on page 99 that “what I can be depends in part on what others make possible or impossible for me.” My ability to act as my fictive moral self, or inhabit my aspirational moral identity, depends on my social environment. At the bottom of page 99, I take up the positive side of this. When I struggle to act as my fictive moral self, others can help by holding me into that self. They can make it possible for me to act as I believe I should. Stevens experiences this himself when fellow members of the Darlington Hall staff help him act as a good son during an especially terrible night when his father is dying. More generally (and this is one of the central themes of the book), when other people hold me into my fictive moral self in the face of my own moral weaknesses and frailties, they make it possible for me to live up to my moral ideals.

I’d say that the test works quite well in the case of Minding the Gap. The ideas that appear on page 99 (Kant’s beautiful illusion of virtue, fictive moral selves, the social dimensions of our identities) are central to the book’s main arguments. And Ishiguro’s novel, which I discuss at some length in the book, shows up on page 99 as well. It’s a relatively representative snapshot of the whole book.

Minding the Gap is about how we make ourselves better people. The title is taken from the ubiquitous recording in London Tube stations warning passengers to pay attention to the gap between the platform and the train. In the book, the gap in question is the gap between our moral ideals and our actual moral selves. Most of us, most of the time, fall short of our moral ideals. To make matters worse, we’re not always all that clear on what our moral ideals are. Do we even know what we’re aiming to become? In the book I argue that we work out our moral ideals by cultivating and enacting fictive moral selves. The fictive moral selves represent our moral aspirations. Becoming better is a matter of developing a fictive moral self and trying to act in accordance with it. Crucially (and this is what I am trying to explain on page 99), this process of working out and enacting a fictive moral self is something we do with other people. In order to succeed in making ourselves better, we need a social and physical environment conducive to improving ourselves. I call this environment a moral neighborhood. Good moral neighborhoods are constructed through social practices and conventions that enable us to act as fictive moral selves in particular settings. In a good moral neighborhood, the norms of social interaction support and reinforce moral norms. This is how good moral neighborhoods help us improve—by generating social norms that obligate us to behave as morally better versions of ourselves. In the second half of the book I describe what good moral neighborhoods are like and how we can build them in the very imperfect world we actually inhabit.
Learn more about Minding the Gap at the Oxford University Press website.

--Marshal Zeringue

Friday, November 1, 2019

John Gribbin's "Six Impossible Things"

John Gribbin, described by the Spectator as “one of the finest and most prolific writers of popular science around,” is the author of In Search of Schrödinger's Cat, The Universe: A Biography, 13.8: The Quest to Find the True Age of the Universe and the Theory of Everything, and other books. He is a Visiting Fellow in Astronomy at the University of Sussex, UK.

His new book is Six Impossible Things: The Mystery of the Quantum World. Since the book has fewer than 99 pages, Gribbin tried the Page 66 Test instead of the “Page 99 Test" and reported the following:
From page 66:
The statistics are those of the ensembles. But the ensembles are not the kind that spring to the mind of most people when they hear the term. In everyday language, an ensemble is a group of things that have some common property, or are working together – such as a musical string ensemble. To a statistician, a collection of 600 identical dice could constitute an ensemble, and if all those dice were rolled together then the laws of probability would lead us to expect to see near enough 100 sixes, 100 fives, 100 fours, 100 threes, 100 twos and 100 ones. But there is another way to get the same statistical outcome. Take a single perfect die, and roll it 600 times. You would expect 6 to come up about a hundred times, 5 to come up about a hundred times, and so on. This is the kind of ensemble the quantum physicists are referring to. A box full of molecules of gas would not constitute an ensemble in this sense; but many identical boxes of gas each experimented on in the same way would. Ideally, you would carry out exactly the same experiment on exactly the same particle many times, and monitor the outcome of each of these ‘trials’. That is the ensemble. The results would follow a probability distribution in accordance with the rules developed by Max Born.

It would be very hard to carry out such an idealised experiment, but that isn’t really the point. Instead of, say, a million electrons going through the double slit experiment at the same time and being detected on the other side, think of the same electron going round and round a million times, with the position it arrives at on the other side being noted each time it goes past. The crucial point which proponents of this interpretation like is that the particles are always real particles in the everyday use of the term.
This isn’t really the best place to start getting to grips with my book. The six impossible things of my title are six different “explanations”, or interpretations, of quantum mechanics, and my aim is to show that they are all equally crazy (although in the quantum world being crazy does not necessarily mean being wrong). This particular section puts forward the point of view of proponents of the “ensemble interpretation”, and at first sight it looks quite reasonable. But individual systems do exist in the real world, and as is often the case in quantum theory, the waters become muddier once you try to work out what happens when the system – in this case the ensemble – is studied, or otherwise interacts with the outside world. Preparing the system involves a certain amount of randomness, and observing it involves another layer of randomness. An example of this interaction with the outside world that is the so-called ‘watched pot’ experiment. Quantum physics tells us that a system (such as an atom, or array of atoms, in an energetic state) cannot change its state (in this case by giving up energy) as long as it is being “watched”, or monitored. It was Alan Turing, back in 1954, who pointed this out:
It is easy to show using standard theory that if a system starts in an eigenstate of some observable, and measurements are made of that observable N times a second, then, even if the state is not a stationary one, the probability that the system will be in the same state after, say, one second, tends to one as N tends to infinity; that is, that continual observations will prevent motion. [endnotes omitted]
And experiments have now actually been carried out which prove this to be the case. A watched quantum pot never boils (or more accurately, never freezes). So if you are baffled by quantum physics, you are in good company. It puzzled Turing, as well.
Learn more about Six Impossible Things at the MIT Press website.

--Marshal Zeringue

Thursday, October 31, 2019

Stephen F. Knott's "The Lost Soul of the American Presidency"

Prior to accepting his position at the Naval War College, Stephen F. Knott was Co-Chair of the Presidential Oral History Program at the Miller Center of Public Affairs at the University of Virginia. He also served for seven years as an Associate Professor in the Political Science Department at the United States Air Force Academy. His books include The Reagan Years; Alexander Hamilton and the Persistence of Myth; Secret and Sanctioned: Covert Operations and the American Presidency; At Reagan’s Side: Insiders’ Recollections from Sacramento to the White House; Rush to Judgment: George W. Bush, the War on Terror, and His Critics; and Washington and Hamilton: The Alliance That Forged America.

Knott applied the “Page 99 Test” to his latest book, The Lost Soul of the American Presidency: The Decline into Demagoguery and the Prospects for Renewal, and reported the following:
Page 99 of my book briefly discusses the destructive presidency of Andrew Johnson and contrasts it with the underrated presidency of Ulysses S. Grant, who along with Abraham Lincoln, took halting, but nonetheless significant steps toward fulfilling the principles of the Declaration of Independence. Andrew Johnson was motivated by racism and resentment, lacked any sense of magnanimity, and practiced the politics of divisiveness. In short, Johnson, one of the most prominent demagogues to hold the office, was patently unfit for the job of president. By glimpsing at page 99, the reader would get a partial sense of the gist of my book, which traces the descent of the presidency into an office frequently inhabited by demagogues like Johnson. Flattering the majority and ostracizing an unpopular minority is standard practice for demagogues, as is the absence of magnanimity and humility in their character.

The Lost Soul of the American Presidency is a clarion call for the restoration of the founders presidency. The president was to serve as a head of state who stood above the partisan fray, representing the entire nation. The president would act as a check on public passions, prevent the tyranny of the majority, and promote the rule of law. But today we prefer presidents who are "passionate" and excite their "base" by practicing, as Alexander Hamilton put it, “the little arts of popularity.” This is a complete reversal of the intentions of the framers of the Constitution. Throughout our nation’s history, this type of presidential leadership imposed costs on racial and political minorities -- a phenomenon utterly predictable to the founders, who would have warned that a president’s primary obligation was to the rule of law, to the Constitution – not to public opinion.

The American presidency envisioned by George Washington and Alexander Hamilton was to serve as a source of national pride and unity. Instead, the office has devolved into a force for division and discord. The manner in which presidents conduct themselves affects the entire body politic. Presidents can choose to unite or divide, to appeal to something higher or practice "the little arts of popularity." But presidents cannot do this alone. The effort to restore the presidency will require Americans to move beyond the parochial, beyond the immediate, and reject the siren call of those who appeal to their base instincts. It will be difficult to recover the lost soul of the American presidency, but we can take solace from the fact that the past offers an alternative to the debased presidency of the present.
Learn more about The Lost Soul of the American Presidency at the University Press of Kansas website.

--Marshal Zeringue

Tuesday, October 29, 2019

Anne Nelson's "Shadow Network"

Anne Nelson is an author and lecturer in the fields of international affairs, media and human rights. As a journalist she covered the conflicts in El Salvador and Guatemala, and won the Livingston Award for best international reporting from the Philippines. She served as the director of the Committee to Protect Journalists. In 1995 she became the director the international program at the Columbia School of Journalism, where she created the first curriculum in human rights reporting.

Since 2003 Nelson has been teaching at Columbia’s School of International and Public Affairs (SIPA), where her classes and research explore how digital media can support the underserved populations of the world through public health, education and culture.

Nelson applied the “Page 99 Test” to her new book, Shadow Network: Media, Money, and the Secret Hub of the Radical Right, and reported the following:
From page 99:
"Liberals in the media failed to defeat you," he added. "now they will use carrots and sticks to tempt and to intimidate you. They will define any betrayal of your coalition as a sign of 'growth.' Don't fall for that nonsense."

Your constituency is the coalition. Avoid the filter of the media. It was a winning formula. The CNP could turn to the NRA for a prototype for face-to-face social networking that would be emulated by other organization. In the future the NRA would pioneer new technologies to link Blackwell's trainees and leverage their political activism. The NRA had come a long way from the gentlemen's shooting club cofounded by Mr. Conant in 1871, and it was in good company.
Page 99 is the end of a chapter, so it only contains one paragraph. That said, the paragraph isn't a bad summary of the techniques developed by Morton Blackwell and others connected to the Council for National Policy, to create a multi-pronged political movement to advance the Radical Right in Washington. The National Rifle Association was one of the early organizations to be co-opted. Fundamentalist churches, the Koch brothers donor networks, and the DeVos family are other major players in the movement.

Later chapters of Shadow Network describe how these forces came together with the support of fundamentalist broadcasters, sophisticated data platforms and apps to mobilize millions of conservative voters in swing states. They have effectively installed minority rule, and are seeking ways through judicial appointments and state law to make their position permanent. Along the way, this movement is rolling back LGBT civil rights, women's access to health care, and foiling gun control legislation.

Page 99--quoting a letter from a strategist to a newly elected Congressman--illustrates the way this movement bypassed the professional news media in favor of creating self-contained social networks. As a result, the current political playing field is far from level. Shadow Network lays out the strategy and the mechanics that have made it work. The next year will tell whether it will be ultimately successful.
Visit Anne Nelson's website.

--Marshal Zeringue

Monday, October 28, 2019

Stuart Schrader's "Badges without Borders"

Stuart Schrader is Associate Director of the Program in Racism, Immigration, and Citizenship and Lecturer at Johns Hopkins University.

He applied the “Page 99 Test” to his new book, Badges without Borders: How Global Counterinsurgency Transformed American Policing, and reported the following:
Re-reading page 99 of Badges Without Borders was fun. Revising a text for years is almost like leaving a water-based solution out in the sun. The liquid evaporates, leaving dense residue behind. You encounter strong arguments here, but the urgency or even ire that inspired them is gone. Two arguments appear on this page, which is in chapter 3.

Page 99 examines debates within the national security bureaucracy over how to allocate resources for overseas counterinsurgency at the outset of the John F. Kennedy administration. I focus on a speech about guerrilla warfare given to soldiers (from the United States and elsewhere) by modernization theorist Walt W. Rostow at Fort Bragg.

First, I’m arguing that, among scholars, the widespread identification of counterinsurgency with U.S. army special forces, who would engage in offensive guerrilla warfare and covert operations, does not withstand empirical scrutiny. These efforts certainly occurred, but, as inaugurated globally by the Kennedy administration, counterinsurgency entailed a much wider set of operations that focused on preventive methods that used local civilian policing and development assistance. There were two reasons: first, offensive guerrilla operations did not work (e.g., the Bay of Pigs invasion); second, after these guerrillas lost actual battles, the officials pushing the tactics lost bureaucratic battles. The winner, instead, was National Security Council staffer Robert W. Komer, this chapter’s prime mover. This is one of the key arguments of the book.

Second, I’m arguing counterinsurgency was not the product of modernization theory as formulated by the likes of Rostow per se, but counterinsurgency experts and lower-ranking security officials influenced Rostow and even shaped his ideas. Scholars of both modernization and counterinsurgency have emphasized the contributions of Rostow (among other intellectuals), but I am suggesting here that the causal arrows might run in the other direction, away from the primacy of the intellectuals. I was reading a good deal of intellectual history, particularly of modernization, when I started to work on this project, but the book veers away from that subfield, except in this and the final chapter.

Instead of intellectuals, Badges Without Borders highlights the policymaking influence of a more hidden stratum of security and law-enforcement figures. I must say that I did relish finding that Komer shaped Rostow’s widely reprinted 1961 speech, which contains the misleading but incandescent description of communists as “scavengers of the modernization process.” Rostow was a good writer. Rostow was learned. But Rostow was a dilettante when it came to guerrilla warfare. The speech is typically read as signaling Kennedy commitment’s to special forces, but Komer’s pugnacity meant that the bureaucracy was moving in another direction by the time Rostow gave it, toward the foreign police assistance program that is a focus of my book.
Visit Stuart Schrader's website.

--Marshal Zeringue

Saturday, October 26, 2019

Kari Marie Norgaard's "Salmon and Acorns Feed Our People"

Kari Marie Norgaard (non-Native Professor of Sociology/Environmental Studies at University of Oregon) has engaged in environmental justice policy work with the Karuk Tribe since 2003. She is author of Living in Denial: Climate Change, Emotions and Everyday Life and other publications on gender, race, and the sociology of emotions.

Norgaard applied the “Page 99 Test” to her new book, Salmon and Acorns Feed Our People: Colonialism, Nature, and Social Action, and reported the following:
Page 99 comes in the second chapter, “The Ecological Dynamics of Settler-Colonialism: Smokey Bear and Fire Suppression as Colonial Violence.” On this page in particular I am in the middle of an in-depth account of U.S. Forest Service views on Indigenous fire management. Page 99 showcases Forest Service documents from 1928 through 1950 to illustrate how language of “malicious motives” and “uncivilized” were used to discredit the sophisticated Indigenous ecological systems of fire management that the Forest Service had recently disrupted through their policy of fire suppression. Here I draw on research compiled by a number of my colleagues, especially Dr. Frank Lake whose doctoral dissertation provides a detailed review of early documents, alongside interviews with Karuk elders:
Lightning ignitions were an “act of nature” which could not be prevented or controlled like incendiarism, described as “selfish or malicious motives.” ... The incendiary problem, however, is not a fire hunt but a man hunt; not fire, but the owner of the hand that lights it, is the public’s enemy.... The hand of the incendiary is set against the public welfare and it is the duty of every citizen to help apprehend those who willfully set fires and to see that they are punished as they justly deserve (Klamath National Forest 1928:14–15). (Cited in Lake 2007, 273)
A second passage from the 1928 report illustrates not only the need the agency felt to defend the policy of fire exclusion but also the use of scientific rhetoric and discourses of “practicality” rooted in a Taylorist managerial mind-set of efficiency to justify their actions: “The existing policy of the Forest Service in fire prevention and suppression has not been reached on the basis of guesswork. It represents continuous and critical study of forest fires. Fire exclusion is the only practical principle on which our forests can be handled, if we are to protect what we have and insure new and more fully stocked forests for the future (Klamath National Forest 1928:17–18)” (cited in Lake 2007, 302). Note that it was not only a military structure but also the rhetoric of Western “science” that has been used to enact and justify state actions. Seth Suman (2009) writes, “The idea that science and technology were among the gifts that Western imperial powers brought to their colonies was an integral part of the discourse of the ‘civilizing mission,’ one vaunted by both proponents and critics of the methods of colonialism” (373, see also Adas 1989). While many advocates of indigenous burning practices now make use of Western scientific frameworks, the Western ideas of ecology that justified fire exclusion have themselves been instruments of colonialism. By 1938, the extent of burning had declined: “It is reported that in the past it was a general practice to burn timber and browse lands with the expectation that annual burnings would promote grass growth. Although this practice has been discouraged and is rarely followed now, there is still a degree of sentiment in its favor. It is believed that much of the browse cover has developed as the result of fires, and that most of the brush areas would eventually produce a fine stand of fir timber if fires were prevented and suppressed and grazing properly managed” (1938 report, quoted in Huntsinger and McCaffrey 1995, 62). Indigenous use of fire was nonetheless ongoing in the decades that followed, and this activity was a continued source of consternation for the Forest Service. The 1950 Six Rivers General Inspection Report included a focus on what they term the “Indian Incendiary Problem” and included this passage regarding the issue:
One problem area exists; the “river strip.” ... There is a fairly large Indian population here and the area is still “west of the Pecos.” The State has apparently not yet decided to take fire control laws across the river. Previous attempts brought a threat of bloodshed.... It looks as if we will have to live with this problem a while longer—until the area becomes more civilized, lending the State any assistance needed in developing an attitude toward protection among the local people. Perhaps the burning of basket grass areas and doe pastures would do the job. (USDA, Six Rivers National Forest 1950: 27–28, cited in Busam 2006, 60)
This page is certainly representative of one of the major themes in the book, namely the ways that colonialism is ongoing today through land management policies, and more specifically how profoundly negative characterizations of Indigenous sciences and management practices form justifications for fire suppression. So yes, readers would get a decent view of the book as a whole from this page. This page is less representative of other important aspects of the book in that it doesn’t have any quotes from Karuk people, or any descriptions of either the social impacts of present-day Western land management, or of the many actions Karuk people are taking to create change. First person accounts of both present circumstances and the many positive ways people are moving forward are also major parts of the book.

Nor would readers know that the book as a whole is a call to action for sociology and the other social sciences to better engage Indigenous peoples’ perspectives. To that end, another key ongoing theme concerns the relationships between racism, colonialism, capitalism, patriarchy, and environmental degradation—especially as theorized within sociology.
Learn more about Salmon and Acorns Feed Our People at the Rutgers University Press website.

--Marshal Zeringue