Eamonn Gearon's "The Arab Bureau"

Eamonn Gearon is a global historian, specializing in the Middle East and North Africa and the history of intelligence, whose books include The Arab Bureau: The Story of Britain's Most Ingenious Intelligence Unit and The Arab Revolt. His doctoral research uncovered previously unknown Arabic documents which shed new light on British intelligence work in the region.

Gearon applied the “Page 99 Test” to The Arab Bureau and shared the following:

Page 99 falls in the chapter “Rooms at the Savoy,” which follows the Arab Bureau’s establishment in Cairo’s Savoy Hotel. The page addresses the challenges of coordinating intelligence across multiple, jealously competitive British agencies. It describes the “tri-continental operation” the Arab Bureau conducted, i.e. linking London to North Africa while coordinating with Delhi, Simla, and other British outposts across Africa and Asia. The page emphasises the practical difficulties of building physical infrastructure from scratch, recruiting and vetting local Egyptian staff, and maintaining operational security. Most strikingly, it places the work of the Arab Bureau in technological context: in an age before satellite imagery or instant communications, where information often “travelled at the speed of a camel caravan,” the ability to predict behaviour through cultural understanding became a strategic advantage in itself.

Does the Page 99 Test work?

Remarkably well! Page 99 captures what I consider the book’s central insight: that the Arab Bureau’s true innovation was not any single intelligence breakthrough but rather a fundamental reorientation of how intelligence itself was conceived. The page shows the Arab Bureau wrestling with coordination challenges that would be familiar to any modern intelligence agency: turf wars; fragmented infrastructure; and institutional jealousies. Yet it also reveals how the Arab Bureau transformed these constraints into opportunities, pioneering what we might now call “culturally informed intelligence.”

The reference to information travelling “at the speed of a camel caravan” summarises the book’s argument about why the Arab Bureau matters. Where traditional military intelligence sought quantifiable data, the Bureau developed methods that valued contextual understanding, precisely because, in their technological environment, cultural literacy was a form of strategic advantage.

What page 99 cannot capture is the vivid cast of characters who populate this story. From scholar-spies like Gertrude Bell and D.G. Hogarth, to Hussein Ruhi’s extraordinary double-agency, or T.E. Lawrence’s complicated presence in an organisation his legend has obscured. Nor does it convey the Arab Bureau’s astonishing work in Arabic language propaganda, nor its uncomfortable legacy. But as a window into the institutional dynamics that made the Arab Bureau both necessary and revolutionary, page 99 serves as an unexpectedly apt introduction.

The book distils the Arab Bureau’s approach into what I call “Seven Pillars of Intelligence Wisdom”, methodological innovations that resurfaced in Iraq and Afghanistan a century later, often without practitioners recognising the lineage. The past, it turns out, keeps informing the present.

Visit Eamonn Gearon's website.

--Marshal Zeringue

Sandrine Bergès's "No Place Like Home"

Sandrine Bergès is Professor of Philosophy at Bilkent University in Ankara, Turkey and British Academy Global Professor at University of York, UK. Her recent publications include: Liberty in their Names: Women Philosophers of the French Revolution (2022), Olympe de Gouges (2022), Sophie de Grouchy's Letters on Sympathy (with Eric Schliesser, 2019). She has also written and edited (with Alan Coffee, and with Eileen Hunt) books on Mary Wollstonecraft.

Bergès applied the “Page 99 Test” to her new book, No Place Like Home: Women Philosophers' Struggles with Domesticity, and reported the following:

What’s on page 99?

Marie-Jeanne Roland, philosopher of the French Revolution, who died at the guillotine in 1793, was a big fan of Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Rousseau thought a woman should be a domestic creature: an obedient wife, and a caring mother. Manon Roland, while partly agreeing, distanced herself from his account. Page 99 is about how her idea of domesticity differed from Rousseau’s. Roland agreed that women should spend time running their household, doing the work themselves or with the help of servants. But she thought they should be efficient about it so they had time to do the stuff that truly matters to them: in her case, writing and influencing the course of the revolution by hosting its actors in her salon.

Is page 99 representative?

Page 99 is in the sixth of nine chapters. Chapter 1 starts with Xanthippe, complaining about having to get dinner on a string at short notice for her husband Socrates, and Chapter 9 ends with twenty-first century feminist authors talking about the robotisation of housework. Manon Roland comes bang in the middle: she is the thirteenth out of the twenty-five women philosophers I discuss. Page 99 is representative, because nearly all the women I talk about in the book struggle with the same dilemma: how to live a full human life within the confines of domestic expectations? While some women tried to escape the home, or redefine it, Roland, page 99 says, tries to reinterpret it: to her it’s a sign of power and rationality to be able to get all the housework done in a short time so as to make time and space for other pursuits. So the test works! Except of course a reader would need to read the pages before and after page 99 to get the full argument. I’d say 98 to half-way through 100 would be ideal. Then you’d get a more complete sketch of who Roland was and what her view of domesticity was. And a bit of drama thrown in, as page 98 starts with the signing of her death sentence.

What would still be missing to give a full idea of what the book is about, from page 99 (or 98-100), is a sense that this is a philosophical discussion. Although I treat her as such, Manon Roland isn’t usually regarded as a philosopher – a memoirist, or a hapless victim of the revolution. In the first pages of Chapter 6 I introduce her as a republican political philosopher. She followed Rousseau’s rural republicanism, the view that the a good republic is composed of households and villages which nurture republican values and virtues in all citizens. Roland, comparing herself to a Roman matron, places women right at the heart of this republic: they are responsible for bringing up future citizens. But that’s not enough, she thinks. During a revolution, a woman’s work must take her outside the home, and her sphere of influence must extend to all her acquaintances, not just her family. So the test sort of works – provided it encourages the reader to look at the whole chapter, or maybe the whole book.

Visit Sandrine Bergès's website.

--Marshal Zeringue

Paula Davis Hoffman's "Making the Miami Cubanita"

Paula Davis Hoffman is an adjunct professor of history at Houston City College.

She applied the "Page 99 Test" to her new book, Making the Miami Cubanita: A Pop Cultural Genealogy, with the following results:

If a browser were to open Making the Miami Cubanita to page 99, they would land almost smack-dab in the middle of Chapter 3. Titled, “In the 1970s, la Virgen de PBS Asked, ‘¿Qué Pasa, USA?’”, it investigates a half-hour sitcom series that ran from 1977-1980. Featuring the Peñas, a multigenerational Cuban refugee family living in Miami’s Little Havana neighborhood in the late 1970s and 1980, this show was one space created by Cuban exiles and endorsed by the U.S. government both to engage the exile community and to represent it to the broader American public at a pivotal moment.

Page 99 begins with an analysis of one episode in which older brother Joe was ordered to babysit his 17-year-old sister while his parents and grandparents went out. As they walked out the door, they demanded, “¡Cuida tu hermanita!” (Take care of your little sister!) Though mere months away from being a legal adult, Carmen barely strained against the figurative leash her family conspicuously paraded for all to see, a marker of the family’s honor. This page touches on existing scholarship on Cuban American racial identity during these years and demonstrates how this sitcom’s depiction of communal standards of femininity furthered a political agenda. While there is significant pan- Latin confluence on many of the behavioral mandates related to female comportment (such as chaperonage), in this PBS show these mandates were presented as distinctly Cuban.

Reading this page alone would provide readers with a fair but not complete picture of what my book is about. Making the Miami Cubanita explores Cuban American assumptions of whiteness and right-wing politics from a pop cultural and historical lens. Organized by decade, I start with a prelude from the Spanish American War and then jump to the portrayal of Cuban femininity in I Love Lucy in the 1950s, radionovelas in the 1960s, ¿Qué Pasa, USA? in the 1970s, Miami Vice and Scarface in the 1980s, Old School Miami Bass in the 1990s, the Elián González saga in the 2000s, and movements to reanimate chongaism via social media in the 2010s. My epilogue ties it all together in the 2020s and going forward. I was very deliberate about writing in an accessible, engaging way. I want people to enjoy reading my work, both academic and lay audiences.

Visit Paula Davis Hoffman's website.

--Marshal Zeringue

Caitlin C. Gillespie's "Women and Resistance in the 'Annals' of Tacitus"

Caitlin Gillespie is Helaine and Alvin Allen Chair in Literature and Assistant Professor in the Department of Classical and Early Mediterranean Studies at Brandeis University. Her research centers on women and power in ancient Rome.

Gillespie applied the “Page 99 Test” to her new book, Women and Resistance in the Annals of Tacitus, and shared the following:

Page 99 places readers in the midst of a chapter called, “Daring to Die,” which centers on the heroic actions of a freedwoman called Epicharis. Epicharis is one of the only women mentioned by the historian Tacitus in conjunction with the Pisonian conspiracy that threatened the emperor Nero; she is tortured for information, remains silent, and dies by suicide. In his Annals, Tacitus celebrates her as a model of strength, courage, and resilience, and contrasts her with the many elite senatorial men who failed to provide similar examples.

I conclude that Epicharis offers a model of resistance to Nero through remaining silent and refusing to name her co-conspirators; on page 99, readers are confronted by an individual who, unlike Epicharis, embraces the opportunity to speak out and gain the glory of a confession before execution. This man, a military tribune named Subrius Flavus, had been faithful to the emperor as long as he was deserving; after his arrest, he explains that he exchanged loyalty for hatred after Nero murdered his own wife and mother, among other unconscionable acts. Though unrefined, the soldier’s words have force, and Tacitus considers them no less worthy of publication than those of the philosopher Seneca.

With both Epicharis and Subrius Flavus, the historian celebrates the courage of nonelites, giving voice to the voiceless and memorializing them in his text. Browsers might get the sense that Tacitus grants posthumous glory to those he considers worthy, and severely condemns those who were celebrated without merit during life.

Page 99 does not adequately communicate the central thesis of the book, which centers on narratives of women; rather, it unintentionally points towards the dominance of men in Roman history and scholarship. Likewise, it fails to give a sense of the scope of the argument, the number of individuals and groups of women addressed, or the methods of protest they enact.

My research is driven by the desire to amplify women’s voices and experiences in the ancient Roman world, particularly women from outside of the ruling family. Nevertheless, readers may understand from page 99 that the overarching argument is not strictly limited to those of the female sex. Epicharis is an unexpected model of courage due to both her sex and status. Her death by suicide is a declaration of personal autonomy. In her case, suicide is a political statement connected to the concepts of exemplarity and Roman memory.

What I hope readers derive from page 99 is that there are innumerable individuals whose lives and deaths deserve further study. The women of Tacitus’s Annals engage in unexpected and subversive acts of protest and resistance, using ingenuity and creativity to speak truth to power. Though they might fail to achieve their immediate aims, their acts of resistance eventually give birth to glory.

Learn more about Women and Resistance in the Annals of Tacitus at the Cornell University Press website.

--Marshal Zeringue

Cotten Seiler's "White Care"

Cotten Seiler is professor of American studies at Dickinson College. He is the author of Republic of Drivers: A Cultural History of Automobility in America.

Seiler applied the “Page 99 Test” to his new book, White Care: The Impact of Race on American Infrastructure, and reported the following:

From page 99:

… [P]rimary and secondary school grounds would come to feature an ever more encompassing built environment, adding “assembly rooms, gymnasiums, swimming pools, playgrounds, athletic fields, laboratories, shops, kitchens, clinics, cafeterias, and lounges.” Such an abundant surround testified, as Briggs wrote, to “constantly increasing public support, evidence of an enthusiasm that amounts to a fetish.” Indeed, funding for primary and secondary educational facilities, personnel, and curricula would see a nearly hundredfold increase over the century. The school was the key site at which the state displayed its commitment to “cohesion and equality of resources for children considered ethnically white.” This elevation of schools to the status of infrastructure was underwritten by scientists’ judgments of what white children required for their development and could become for the species and the nation. Conversely, the belief that the education of children racialized as nonwhite would pay few to no such dividends would thwart the public schooling of Americans of color—and later, of white Americans too.

Wow, Ford Madox Ford was spot-on in my case. Reading page 99 of White Care: The Impact of Race on American Infrastructure, one can grab hold of the book’s central argument: in the United States, theories of race have driven the political will to provide—and withhold and neglect—public infrastructure.

In the pages surrounding the quotation above I’m writing about something pretty freaky and obscure, but absolutely central to the building and expansion of public schools and playgrounds in the early twentieth century: the theory of recapitulation. Put forth by evolutionary scientists and progressive thinkers in the late 1800s, this theory held that as each individual organism develops, it repeats all the phases of its species’ evolutionary journey. This meant that homo sapiens’ development amounted to a process of losing the traces of our fish, amphibian, mammalian, and primate ancestry. As scientists, political speech, and popular culture judged racialized whiteness to be the pinnacle of human evolution, it was posited that humans racialized as white would also advance beyond the so-called “savage races” in intelligence and capacity for self-government.

Recapitulation profoundly affected how American thinkers viewed childhood, suffusing the professionalized sciences of child psychology, education, and “play theory,” all of which emerged around the turn of the century. My book emphasizes that it also put its imprint on the built environment, as experts prevailed on the state to provide infrastructures through which children could be shepherded to the fulfillment of their potential. The public school and the playground were the most crucial of these spaces, for they were where the (implicitly white) child could be drawn through the phases of development, “repeat[ing] the history of his own race-life from savagery unto civilization.” Hence the need for “monkey bars,” “jungle gyms,” and the experiential, active pedagogy advocated by John Dewey and other reformers.

Learn more about White Care at the University of Chicago Press website.

--Marshal Zeringue

Carl P. Borick's "Backcountry Resistance"

Carl P. Borick is Director of the Charleston Museum in Charleston, South Carolina, and the author of Relieve Us of This Burthen: American Prisoners of War in the Revolutionary South, 1780-1782 (2011) and A Gallant Defense: The Siege of Charleston, 1780 (2003).

Borick applied the "Page 99 Test" to his new book, Backcountry Resistance: South Carolina's Militia and the Fight for American Independence, with the following results:

For those readers who make it all the way to page 99, thank you! For those opening to page 99, you will find a description of the experiences and character of South Carolina's militiamen, who opposed the British in the backcountry, or interior, of South Carolina in the Revolutionary War. The book itself is an exposition of how these men were raised, armed, and supplied, their experience in fighting the British, and what motivated them to turn out even after the most important city in South Carolina, Charleston, fell to the enemy, so this page definitely alludes to this concept.

Growing up on the frontiers of South Carolina, they were adept with firearms, particularly rifles, and had little choice but to conserve their shot and powder since they were difficult to replace, especially after the fall of Charleston when supplies became irregular. Many, as Charles Woodmason described, had grown up in austere circumstances and were accustomed to hard living.

Surprisingly, the Page 99 Test works for the book as readers will find themselves in the midst of a discussion of the effectiveness of South Carolina militiamen against the British despite fewer supplies after the fall of Charleston and their resilience amidst adverse conditions. The book premise is how South Carolina's militia was able to put up a strong resistance against the British based on a look at the experiences of individual soldiers. Page 99 certainly gives a flavor of that. Among the militiamen discussed here are John Fletcher and Thomas Ramsey who hid out in the swamps to avoid the British and their loyalist allies and Michael Burtz, who in his service, underwent "many wants and privations."

Although the book may appeal to fans of Revolutionary War history, and specifically to those interested in the war in the South, general readers will appreciate the ability of relatively untrained farmers and tradesmen to staunchly resist the British army. They will also be intrigued by discussions of their diet, clothing, weapons, and motivations, particularly as the country commemorates the 250th anniversary of its founding, during the Revolutionary War. The experience of the conventional British army fighting against an enemy who operated somewhat unconventionally mirrors that of the American military in more recent conflicts such as Vietnam in the 1960s and Iraq and Afghanistan in the 21st century, The book also examines the role of women and the enslaved who both contributed to and were caught up in the war that raged in the South Carolina backcountry.

Learn more about Backcountry Resistance at the University of South Carolina Press website.

--Marshal Zeringue

Anna O. Law's "Migration and the Origins of American Citizenship"

Anna O. Law is the Herbert Kurz Chair in Constitutional Rights in the Department of Political Science at CUNY Brooklyn College. She completed her PhD in Government at the University of Texas at Austin. Her publications appear in political science, history, and law journals and investigate the interaction between law, legal institutions, and politics. Her first book, The Immigration Battle in American Courts (2010), examined the role of the federal judiciary in U.S. immigration. She teaches and researches in U.S. constitutional law, federal courts, U.S. immigration policy history, federalism, American Political Development, and race/ethnicity.

Law applied the “Page 99 Test” to her new book, Migration and the Origins of American Citizenship: African Americans, Native Americans, and Immigrants, and shared the following:

On page 99 of Migration and the Origins of American Citizenship, readers will find:

Native nations living on land the Americans coveted influenced slave states delegates to vote for constitutional ratification. The framers sought to balance accommodation of regional interests with creating a robust national government that could defend against foreign and domestic insurrections that might destabilize the young republic. Gregory Ablavsky argues persuasively that the framers convinced reluctant states to ratify the Constitution by repeatedly invoking the threat of “savages” to justify the creation of a fiscally and militarily sturdy federal government. Both elements of centralized authority over Indian affairs and a stronger central government had been glaring deficits in the Articles of Confederation.

In the founding era, the attempt to assign by subject matter the management of Indian affairs exclusively to the national government resulted in continuing conflict between the US and state governments given their divergent policy goals. From the confederation period forward, states often claimed Native land under colonial era charters. Congress putatively had the power to reconcile some of these sometimes-overlapping claims between former colonies but did not often step in to resolve conflicts. The legislative branch instead asked states to turn over their claims to the national government, and these requests were usually ignored. Through the colonial and confederation periods, states continued to operate by local laws and pass new ones regulating Native people in their territory. For example, states exercised their authority by regulating the sale and supply of Native land, driving down prices, and facilitating dispossession. Either by statute or by creation of systems, states continued to allow settlers to purchase Native American land without federal coordination and oversight and without any questions from the courts post-Revolution.

By claiming sole authority over Indian affairs, the federal government had the daunting responsibility to “make peace with Natives, restrain illegal settlement, and conciliate state assertions of sovereignty, all with limited funds and while seizing the land necessary to repay the national debt.” Even if the national government enjoyed the sole authority to manage these many tasks, with the cooperation of the states, it would have been a huge range of laws to enact and enforce.

The Page 99 Test doesn’t work for my book because it omits the central contribution of Migration and the Origins of American Citizenship. My intervention is to synthesize into one study the histories and laws governing the citizenship and migration of groups that are usually read separately in disciplinary or time period silos. These are voluntary migrants, African Americans, and Native American. Page 99 only discusses Native Americans. If readers open to this page, they won’t be aware that voluntary migrants and free and enslaved African Americans are also part of the story and that their fates are intertwined.

Although we today think of these groups as unrelated, federal court opinions from the nineteenth century mention all these people in the same decisions. Take for example Mayor of New York v Miln (1837), a case brought by shipping companies against New York to challenge a NY migration law. The statute required ship captains to turn over passenger manifests listing travelers by name, and physical condition (whether they are disabled, or sickly). Failure to comply would result in a fine. The shipping companies hated these laws that were eating into their profits. In that same opinion, Supreme Court justices discussed the implications of striking down New York’s migration restrictions for slave states who had laws controlling the entry, movement, and settlement of free and enslaved Black Americans. Before the Civil War ended slavery and separated the two subject matter areas, slavery and voluntary migration laws were inextricably linked.

Page 99, though, spotlights Native Americans who some readers might find surprising to be in a book about voluntary migration. The land Indigenous peoples lived on and owned for generations was obtained and sold by states and the US government at subsidized prices to lure voluntary European migration to the colonies and the states through to the nineteenth century. States and the US government often gained Indigenous lands by treaty negotiations, levels of coercion, or outright fraud. For example, the US government funded and carried out the violent deportation of 80,000 Native Americans in the southeastern states in the 1830s. The US government did so after being goaded by the states for the expansion of the cotton crop and slavery. Thus, the ability of Native Americans to stay on their own land was inverse to settler migrants’ desire to possess and occupy that same area.

Visit Anna O. Law's website.

--Marshal Zeringue

Cisco Bradley's "I Hear Freedom"

Cisco Bradley is professor of history at the Pratt Institute. His books include The Williamsburg Avant-Garde: Experimental Music and Sound on the Brooklyn Waterfront (2023) and Universal Tonality: The Life and Music of William Parker (2021). He is also the director of the documentary Take Me to Fendika (2024).

Bradley applied the “Page 99 Test” to his new book, I Hear Freedom: The Great Migration, Free Jazz, and Black Power, and reported the following:

This test gives an insight into my book, but it does not do a good job of revealing the whole of it. Page 99 is as critical as any page to the book, but one small part of a much broader idea. Page 99 is mostly composed of blues lyrics from some specific musicians who worked in Atlanta in the early twentieth century. The book focuses primarily on jazz musicians who emerged in Cleveland and Detroit in the 1960s and 1970s and is split into 3 parts. The first part, in which page 99 appears, details the ancestral roots of the musicians who emerged in the two northern cities and considers what cultural inheritance they were bestowed by their ancestors, and along what routes and from what points of origin. For example, the saxophonist Albert Ayler, had roots in eastern Mississippi and western Alabama, and the book looks at the migrations and motivations for them to move first to Birmingham and then north to Cleveland. Part 2 of the book examines the coalescence of the two music scenes and the musicians who primarily stayed in those cities to do their work. Part 3 then follows the musicians who left for other cities, primarily New York, Los Angeles, Oakland, and Paris. The book is quite expansive, but the Page 99 Test gives a little glance into the larger idea of the book.

Visit Cisco Bradley's website.

--Marshal Zeringue

Scott Kurashige's "American Peril"

Scott Kurashige is the author or co-author of five books, including The Shifting Grounds of Race: Black and Japanese Americans in the Making of Multiethnic Los Angeles (2008, recipient of book awards from the American Historical Association and Association for Asian American Studies), The Next American Revolution: Sustainable Activism for the Twenty-First Century with Grace Lee Boggs (2011), and American Peril: The Violent History of Anti-Asian Racism (2026). He is President of the James and Grace Lee Boggs Foundation, previously served as faculty at the University of Michigan, University of Washington Bothell, and TCU, and had fellowships at Harvard and the Smithsonian.

Kurashige applied the "Page 99 Test" to American Peril with the following results:

As I write this, the headlines are dominated by two stories: 1) the US-Israeli War on Iran, in which one of the most horrific scenes has been the bombing of a primary school for girls resulting in the massacre of 175 or more victims; and 2) new reporting of sexual violence against women and girls by the noted labor leader, Cesar Chavez.

Page 99, which contains graphic accounts of misogyny, sadly demonstrates a deeper connection to the problem of violence against women and girls in US history, especially the history of militarism. Here are some passages:

From 1972 to 2015, according to Okinawan police, U.S. military personnel and their family members murdered twenty-six and raped 126 Okinawans. The latter number is almost certainly a severe undercount, because most rapes were not reported or prosecuted, owing to sexist social and legal structures, internalized oppression among Okinawans, and extraterritoriality provisions in the SOFA granting Americans effective immunity. These problems received more exposure following an international incident that prompted over ninety thousand Okinawans to protest on October 21, 1995, demanding curtailment of the U.S. military presence. Three American men in their early twenties—two in the marines and one in the navy—kidnapped a twelve-year-old Okinawan girl and bound her with duct tape.

Thankfully, the young girl survived a brutal sexual assault. But others were tragically lost.

Despite some reforms and concessions by the U.S. military, both the bases and the tensions on Okinawa persist. In fact, a new wave of mass protests erupted more recently following the murder of Rina Shimabukuro, whose badly decomposed body was found in a suitcase, spawning another international incident. In May 2016, Kenneth Gadson, an American contractor and ex-marine married to a woman from Okinawa, stabbed Shimabukuro in the neck and clubbed her on the head to subdue her—thereby enacting a longstanding rape and kidnap “fantasy.”

I began research the problem of anti-Asian violence decades ago as incidents erupted during the 1980s and 1990s. But I wrote much of American Peril specifically in the aftermath of the March 2021 shootings in Atlanta-area massage parlors that led to the mass murder of eight people, including six Asian women. The authorities and the much of the media initially treated it as an isolated incident that was “not racially motivated.” They largely ignored how the dehumanization of Asian women as sexualized labor for American men is rooted in the establishment of “R&R stations” surrounding U.S. bases in Asia, media stereotypes of Asian sex workers in war movies, and discriminatory laws and practices rendering women and immigrant workers vulnerable to exploitation and repression.

In this way, my book points to the deeply rooted history of anti-Asian racism, especially as it connects imperialist violence overseas and violent acts of racism within the United States.

Visit Scott Kurashige's website.

The Page 99 Test: The Shifting Grounds of Race.

--Marshal Zeringue

Molly Fee's "Believing in Light after Darkness"

Molly Fee is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Sociology and Interdisciplinary Social Sciences at the University of South Florida. Previously, she was a Postdoctoral Prize Research Fellow in Sociology at Nuffield College, University of Oxford where she was also a Research Associate at the Refugee Studies Centre. She received her PhD in Sociology from the University of California, Los Angeles.

Fee applied the “Page 99 Test” to her new book, Believing in Light after Darkness: Displacement and Refugee Resettlement, and shared the following:

From page 99:

Toussaint noted that “resettlement [in the] US is a good solution for refugees,” but the extent of the adjustment “makes refugees to feel uncomfortable.”… The experience of early resettlement is complicated by the fact that gratitude and disappointment can exist simultaneously. While refugees may know that resettlement is the best outcome for their families, it can be difficult to reconcile this knowledge with feelings of dissatisfaction. The realities of financial insecurity, minimum wage jobs, and poor housing complicate prior notions of what resettlement will be.

The Page 99 Test does a remarkable job of capturing the main argument of my book. While U.S. refugee resettlement offers refugees a tremendous opportunity to leave behind the challenges of forced migration, limited rights, and food insecurity, it nonetheless comes with new and unexpected hardships that weigh heavily on recently arrived refugees. My book reveals the numerous tensions and contradictions that shape the experience of resettling in a new country. Based on over 1,000 hours of ethnographic fieldwork and over 100 interviews with refugees and service providers in San Diego, CA and Boise, ID, I explain how understanding resettlement as another displacement more accurately captures the complexities of refugees’ experiences. Even if it is ultimately a “good” and wanted displacement, resettlement is profoundly disruptive to refugees’ lives. This page manages to encapsulate the book’s overall contribution that resettlement to countries like the U.S. can simultaneously be the best outcome for refugees while also being disorienting and even disappointing.

Importantly this page also notes how this reality of displacement is fully understood by the Resettlement Agency service providers who support newly arrived refugees on a daily basis. As noted on page 99, “A casework staff member in Boise struggled with how best to convey to new clients that their lives were going to get a lot worse before they got better.” These service providers understand intimately the myriad challenges that their refugee clients will face, starting from the day of their arrival in the U.S. My book seeks to show how both refugees and service providers navigate the complicated terrain of the U.S. Refugee Admissions Program, doing their best despite insufficient funds and significant obstacles.

Visit Molly Fee's website.

--Marshal Zeringue