She applied the “Page 99 Test” to her new book, Families for Mobility: Elite Korean Students Abroad and Their Parents' Reproduction of Privilege, and reported the following:
From page 99:Visit Juyeon Park's website.Joy’s mother — another less affluent, locally based parent — offered a distinct perspective on sending her two daughters abroad. Her dislike for the intense competition and fierce academic rivalries typical of schools and hagwons in Gangnam (the most affluent district in Seoul) drove her decision to enroll her children in a school near family in the United States: “One day, I asked Joy, ‘Would you prefer to study in Gangnam or go to the United States and live with Grandma?’ She replied, ‘Mom, I heard all the kids in Gangnam are so smart. They seem intimidating.’ That’s when I decided to send Joy and her sister to live with my mom in the United States.” With her parents and brother residing in the United States, sending her children there for their education was a feasible and economical choice. She framed her transnational parenthood as also financially motivated rather than educationally purposeful, stating, “If my parents and brother were not living in the United States, I wouldn’t have sent my kids there for school. [...] We saved a considerable amount of money [that would have been spent on English hagwons], thanks to my family.”Although this page does not present the core argument of the study, it offers an important example that illustrates the diversity among my participants. Joy’s mother, introduced in detail on page 99, was among the very few parents who lacked significant transnational resources, such as foreign degrees or overseas work experience. Her positionality, shaped by this absence, set her apart from other parents in terms of how she understood the purpose and benefits of her child’s Ivy League education.
With two daughters studying in the United States for more than five years, Joy’s mother wanted to view their education abroad primarily as an opportunity for them to experience life outside of Korea rather than as a stepping stone to cosmopolitan careers. She envisioned overseas education as liberal, flexible, and culturally diverse—qualities she imagined rather than had firsthand experience with: “Looking back, I believe sending Joy to the United States was the right choice. She’s such a creative and insightful kid, with a sharp perspective on things. Although I didn’t fully realize it at the time, her teachers have consistently highlighted these qualities. Studying in the United States has been really beneficial for her.”
Whereas most parents with sufficient financial and cultural capital—whom I refer to as highly transnational parents—strategically viewed their children’s study abroad as a deliberate means of reproducing class privilege, particularly transnational mobility, a small number of parents—whom I call locally based parents—framed their children’s overseas study as more accidental than intentional or necessary. This contrast highlights how class produces meaningful differences—and, as I argue, inequalities—among Korean parents who send their children to elite U.S. colleges.
--Marshal Zeringue
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